Delhi's Battle Against Bribery

When Arjun, a Delhi-based photographer, was attempting to relocate his family overseas earlier this year, he found himself breaking a cardinal rule he had set for himself.

He had never paid a bribe in his life, but now he needed a ‘Letter of Good Conduct’ from the police that would allow him to apply for residency abroad, and it quickly became clear that this would not happen without money changing hands.

“I’ve always refused to pay bribes in the past,” he said. “But every time I went to the police station, they would tell me that it would take a few more days.

“We needed the letter in a hurry. There was no choice. In the end, I handed over 2,500 rupees before they would give me the letter.

“It was crazy – having to pay a bribe to prove you are a person of good conduct!”

This sort of low-level corruption is a ubiquitous part of daily life across India. Buying a house, getting a phone connection, applying for a passport – almost anything which involves a government office invariably requires a palm to be greased.

But all that could be changing in Delhi with a new law coming into force yesterday (Thursday) that sets time limits for government departments to deliver services, and threatens to fine any officials that fail to meet them.

It is part of what is being called the ‘Anna Effect’ – the aftermath of the massive protests witnessed in the capital last month spearheaded by 74-year-old activist Anna Hazare who went on hunger strike demanding the establishment of a new anti-corruption body.

While all classes were represented, the anti-corruption movement has been notable for dragging India’s often-apathetic middle classes on to the streets.

“This is a very necessary and welcome step,” said Anil Bairwal, national co-ordinator of the Association for Democratic Reforms in New Delhi. “This is what the people have been demanding, and now they have got it.

“The question is how it will be implemented – how will they deal with complaints. If it takes a year to deal with a complaint, then the people will still be angry.”

The new law sets limits such as 7 days for issuing a birth or death certificate, 21 days to register a vehicle, or 55 days to issue a restaurant licence. An e-monitoring system has also been installed that will allow members of the public to monitor the progress of their applications. Officials will pay Rs.10 per day when they exceed the limit, and repeat offenders will face disciplinary action.

The new law reflects an understanding in the government that the real anger driving last month’s anti-corruption protests was not simply about the big-ticket scams – the Commonwealth Games contracts or the $39 billion telecoms swindle – that have led to ministers being arrested and brought parliament to a standstill.

The real anger stemmed from middle class people demanding that government keep up with the private sector in providing the trappings and efficiency they have come to expect from their increasingly Westernised lifestyles.

“There was plenty of involvement from poorer classes,” said Mr Bairwal. “But the protests were the first time we saw the middle class come out on the streets in big numbers.”

While the protests have certainly rocked the government and may yet lead to major changes in accountability and representation in the public sector, the fact that they were driven predominantly by middle class bugbears strips away any claim that this was a fundamental revolution.

It is hard to disagree with Gautam Navlakha’s assessment in Sanhati this week that the anti-corruption movement was ultimately about protecting the status quo, bypassing many of the more serious problems occurring beyond the leafy balconies of South Delhi:

“Can fighting corruption lift people out of poverty?” he asks. "[Can it] end oppression? Resolve struggle against land grab? Help ascertain will of the people through referendum in Jammu and Kashmir? Bring the war to an end in Manipur or halt “Operation Greenhunt”? Stop mining juggernauts from gaining from the war against our own people in nine states? End the persecution of minorities at the hands of Hindutva terror?”

Not many mass protests among Delhi’s urbanites on those issues. In fact, the only big hunger strike in the news this week was that of Narenda Modi, chief minister of Gujarat and widely acknowledged to have exacerbated the 2002 pogrom against Muslims in which over 2,000 people died.

Having been given a temporary reprieve by the Supreme Court for his part in the slaughter, he announced a three-day fast, saying: “I deeply believe that this fast will further strengthen Gujarat’s environment of peace, unity and harmony,” thus raising serious questions about his sanity.