Operation Golden Bird & India's Neurotic Relationship With Myanmar

There’s a story going round that Myanmar is turning all sweet and democratic. The signs of a new dawn include such marvels as journalists being allowed to ask people questions, and opposition leaders being permitted to travel around the country, a bit.

For a nation that spends a lot of time hanging around with North Korea at the bottom of almost all freedom and human rights rankings, these marginal efforts towards democracy are both welcome and surprising.

They are particularly welcome in India, a country which has embarrassed itself over the past decade or more by its apparent blindness to the repressive nastiness carrying on next door, and which offered another red-carpet welcome when President Thein Sein visited New Delhi this week.

For this blackening of India’s reputation, it is not quite clear what it receives in return. One of the frequent arguments is that Myanmar is a vital partner in tackling insurgents from India’s northeast, who frequently pop across the 1,643-kilometre border to evade capture and restock their arsenals.

This is not the case. Unlike Bangladesh, which has handed over several key insurgent leaders to India since relations have improved, Myanmar has never done anything of any practical use to help India’s security agencies. Arms and drug smuggling routes remain in robust health in Myanmar’s border regions, providing ample money and supplies to all manner of insurgent organisations across India.

Myanmar has come close to being helpful on a couple of occasions. In November 2001, its army raided four Manipuri rebel bases, arresting 192 insurgents including UNLF chief Rajkumar Meghen. But then it let them all go.

The other incident, which seems to have had a powerful psychological effect on the Indian establishment, was Operation Golden Bird in 1995.

Golden Bird began as an unprecedented moment of co-operation between the armies of Myanmar and India. The 57 Indian Mountain Division had tracked a column of 200 insurgents from various groups – the NSCN, ULFA and Manipuri rebels – who had picked up a huge shipment of arms south of Cox’s Bazar on the Bangladesh coast and was moving along the Myanmar border towards Manipur. Between them, the troops from India and Myanmar soon had the rebels trapped in a pincer movement.

It was at just that moment that the government in New Delhi, which was then a vocal supporter of the opposition in Myanmar, gave Aung San Suu Kyi the Nehru Award for International Understanding. The military junta in Myanmar were not impressed, and pulled out of the operation, allowing the rebels to escape.

An angry Indian eastern army commander, Lieutenant General H.R.S. Kalkat later remarked: “India should leave its Burma policy to the army. We are soldiers, they (the junta) are soldiers and our blood is thicker than the blood of bureaucrats.” It is a message that seems to have reached the corridors of power in New Delhi, even if the change in diplomatic tactics has achieved little.

For all the claims that India is engaging in a hard-nosed realpolitik regarding Myanmar, the fawning acceptance of its neighbour’s crimes seems to stem more from the neuroses created by these frequent let-downs than any positive conviction about the best way to engage a rogue regime.

India’s defenders say it has bought advantages in other areas, particularly in trade and energy supplies. India’s hunger for oil and natural gas certainly seems to be a major part of the motivation, as reflected in the deals struck this week to boost hydrocarbon exploration and speed up construction of a gas pipeline, alongside the $500 credit line offered by India to help with infrastructure projects.

Perhaps this time, India's efforts will bear fruit. They haven't in the past. Time and again, it is Chinese companies that have gained the most lucrative energy contracts, such as the 2007 decision to cancel the Gas Authority of India (GAIL)'s contract for two major gas blocks off the Rakine coast and give them to PetroChina.

As with everything India does in the region, this all comes down to a race with China, which has been a valuable diplomatic ally – and provider of military hardware – to Myanmar ever since the two countries made themselves international pariahs by brutally crushing popular protests in the late 1980s (the military coup in Burma in 1988 and Tiananmen Square in 1989). China has established such extensive trading networks and influence in the border regions that Mandalay is now referred to as a Chinese city due to the number of traders that hail from across the border. 

But India may have been wrong to think that blindly accepting Myanmar’s horrendous human rights record was the only way to match Chinese influence - and not just because it has brought very few benefits for trade and security.

In many ways, India is a much more natural bed-fellow for Buddhist-oriented Myanmar than the atheistic regime in Beijing. “Myanmar’s elite hold deep-seated racist views about the Chinese,” Benedict Rogers, author of a biography about former military dictator Than Shwe, told me this week.

Suspicions run deep between China and Burma, not least because Beijing spent several decades in the mid-twentieth century supporting a Communist insurgency in Burma. For all the trade deals between Beijing and Naypyidaw, it was still only India that was allowed to provide aid in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis.

While the recent decision to suspend construction at a Chinese-backed hydroelectric dam on the Irrawaddy River was partly a nod to public outrage (a rarity indeed), it should also be seen in the light of these concerns about Chinese influence and cultural differences.

Benedict Rogers also denies the idea that tougher approaches to the junta's behaviour, such as sanctions imposed by the US and EU, have been a failure. “The junta complains about them all the time, so they must be having some impact,” he said. “They are desperate to reach out to the West because they know their current situation is unsustainable.”

Whatever successes India may achieve with regard to Myanmar in the coming years will not have been thanks to its policy of appeasement - the leverage was already firmly in its favour. As they are in many Southeast Asian countries, the fear of Chinese dominance and a desire to build links with the West are powerful forces pushing Myanmar into India’s arms.

India clearly has its eyes set desperately on Myanmar’s oil and gas reserves, and given its energy needs, is willing to bend over backwards to secure them. But China is still getting the best of the trade and energy deals, while India has paid a serious price in ruining the ethical basis of its foreign policy, while doing little to advance the cause of democratic reform in Myanmar.

The Love Commandos: Cupid's Reserve Forces

When Cupid’s arrows are no longer enough, you might need back-up.

The Love Commandos are a fabulous organisation in India which helps rescue the young and amorous from parents who disapprove – often violently – of their relationships.

It was written about quite a bit when it was launched in 2010, particularly in the context of honour killings, which had been a big story in the media at the time.

In researching an article for The National recently (see below), I found it interesting to hear that the majority of problems were rooted more in the day-to-day reality of Indian families – it was not just people stuck in ultra-conservative and violent social settings that needed the help of the Commandos. In fact, the majority of cases stemmed from the general strength of the family unit in India, and the still-overwhelming acceptance of the idea that parents should choose their child’s marital partner.

The idea of arranged marriages is something that seems absolutely alien to western minds, raised on the idea that love should transcend material and social barriers. Culture has taught us again and again – from Shakespeare to Pretty Woman – that love should overcome issues of class and wealth and ancient grudges between feuding families.

In reality, though, Cupid is facing a major crisis in the west, where divorce rates are through the roof. A system that expects perfection from our partners, but relies on a largely random selection process, clearly has its own problems.

In India, a compromise is being hashed out by the emerging middle class. Combining familial traditions and the influence of liberal western notions of personal freedom, many youngsters are involving their parents in the selection process, while still keeping the final decision for themselves.

If you are an Indian needing the help of the Love Commandos, you can call their helpline on 09313784375.

The organisation, which is entirely run by volunteers, is in dire need of financial support, so if you can help, please contact the same number.

The girl climbed through the window of her college classroom and ran across the courtyard where a friend was waiting to help her over the 15-foot perimeter wall. On the other side was Govinda, one of the commandos, ready to catch her as she leapt from the top of the wall.

Her brother had seen her escape, and was already in pursuit as she was bundled into the waiting getaway car and sped out of town. There was no time to wait for Sonu Rangi, another of the commandos, who was on the other side of the college. He had no choice but to run, sprinting across town to the railway tracks where, by a stroke of luck, he was able to jump aboard a slow-moving train.

It sounds like a scene from a Bollywood movie, but this is the real world of the Love Commandos, a volunteer group dedicated to rescuing the young and amorous from the often violent clutches of families that disapprove of their relationship.

This recent rescue mission took place in Faridabad, a small town in the northern state of Uttar Pradesh. The couple, who wish to remain anonymous, had eloped and married in secret a few weeks before.

"She was from a Brahmin family and they disapproved because the boy was from a lower caste," said Harsh Malhotra, a Love Commandos coordinator who helped organise the operation.

"The family convinced her to return saying they would accept the marriage, but that was a lie. They kicked the boy out of her house and kept her locked up in her room. They only let her out for college. The boy twice attempted suicide, until he heard about our organisation."

Within days, the Love Commandos had dispatched their team to Faridabad. The couple are now in hiding in another part of the country and are expecting their first child in the new year.

Read the rest here...

Delhi's Battle Against Bribery

When Arjun, a Delhi-based photographer, was attempting to relocate his family overseas earlier this year, he found himself breaking a cardinal rule he had set for himself.

He had never paid a bribe in his life, but now he needed a ‘Letter of Good Conduct’ from the police that would allow him to apply for residency abroad, and it quickly became clear that this would not happen without money changing hands.

“I’ve always refused to pay bribes in the past,” he said. “But every time I went to the police station, they would tell me that it would take a few more days.

“We needed the letter in a hurry. There was no choice. In the end, I handed over 2,500 rupees before they would give me the letter.

“It was crazy – having to pay a bribe to prove you are a person of good conduct!”

This sort of low-level corruption is a ubiquitous part of daily life across India. Buying a house, getting a phone connection, applying for a passport – almost anything which involves a government office invariably requires a palm to be greased.

But all that could be changing in Delhi with a new law coming into force yesterday (Thursday) that sets time limits for government departments to deliver services, and threatens to fine any officials that fail to meet them.

It is part of what is being called the ‘Anna Effect’ – the aftermath of the massive protests witnessed in the capital last month spearheaded by 74-year-old activist Anna Hazare who went on hunger strike demanding the establishment of a new anti-corruption body.

While all classes were represented, the anti-corruption movement has been notable for dragging India’s often-apathetic middle classes on to the streets.

“This is a very necessary and welcome step,” said Anil Bairwal, national co-ordinator of the Association for Democratic Reforms in New Delhi. “This is what the people have been demanding, and now they have got it.

“The question is how it will be implemented – how will they deal with complaints. If it takes a year to deal with a complaint, then the people will still be angry.”

The new law sets limits such as 7 days for issuing a birth or death certificate, 21 days to register a vehicle, or 55 days to issue a restaurant licence. An e-monitoring system has also been installed that will allow members of the public to monitor the progress of their applications. Officials will pay Rs.10 per day when they exceed the limit, and repeat offenders will face disciplinary action.

The new law reflects an understanding in the government that the real anger driving last month’s anti-corruption protests was not simply about the big-ticket scams – the Commonwealth Games contracts or the $39 billion telecoms swindle – that have led to ministers being arrested and brought parliament to a standstill.

The real anger stemmed from middle class people demanding that government keep up with the private sector in providing the trappings and efficiency they have come to expect from their increasingly Westernised lifestyles.

“There was plenty of involvement from poorer classes,” said Mr Bairwal. “But the protests were the first time we saw the middle class come out on the streets in big numbers.”

While the protests have certainly rocked the government and may yet lead to major changes in accountability and representation in the public sector, the fact that they were driven predominantly by middle class bugbears strips away any claim that this was a fundamental revolution.

It is hard to disagree with Gautam Navlakha’s assessment in Sanhati this week that the anti-corruption movement was ultimately about protecting the status quo, bypassing many of the more serious problems occurring beyond the leafy balconies of South Delhi:

“Can fighting corruption lift people out of poverty?” he asks. "[Can it] end oppression? Resolve struggle against land grab? Help ascertain will of the people through referendum in Jammu and Kashmir? Bring the war to an end in Manipur or halt “Operation Greenhunt”? Stop mining juggernauts from gaining from the war against our own people in nine states? End the persecution of minorities at the hands of Hindutva terror?”

Not many mass protests among Delhi’s urbanites on those issues. In fact, the only big hunger strike in the news this week was that of Narenda Modi, chief minister of Gujarat and widely acknowledged to have exacerbated the 2002 pogrom against Muslims in which over 2,000 people died.

Having been given a temporary reprieve by the Supreme Court for his part in the slaughter, he announced a three-day fast, saying: “I deeply believe that this fast will further strengthen Gujarat’s environment of peace, unity and harmony,” thus raising serious questions about his sanity.

Vultures Heading For The Fastest Extinction In History?

A friend of mine was giving a speech at Ramila Maidan during the recent anti-corruption protests in Delhi when he was distracted by the rare sight of a vulture circuling overhead. It was enough of a shock for him to pause his speech and direct the crowd's attention upwards. "Look," he told his audience. "The vultures are here to pick the bones of all the corrupt politicians that Anna Hazare wants to hang!" [Not a terribly Gandhian sentiment on the part of Mr Hazare, but that's another story].

Not so long ago, the sight of a vulture in India would not have prompted any interest at all. They were as typical to images of Indian wildlife as tigers, elephants and mosquitoes - enough so that they got a part in The Jungle Book (and in the Disney version, have the distinction of being modelled on The Beatles who may, or may not, have turned down the chance to voice the characters).

Today, they probably wouldn't make it through casting. Vultures are under serious threat in South Asia - in the past 15 years, their numbers have declined by an incredible 97%, an unprecedented decline in recorded bird history. Chris Bowden, of the UK's Royal Society for the Protection of Birds, told me over email that there were an estimated 40 million vultures in India in the 1980s. Today, there are around 10,000 - and this has dramatic implications for the spread of diseases like rabies and anthrax.

It's all down to a drug being fed to cattle, which poisons the vultures when they eat the dead cows. You can read about it in my story for The National today:

Vultures are on the verge of extinction in India because a banned drug is still being used illegally to treat suffering cattle.

The endangered birds eat the remains of the drugged animals and suffer kidney failure and visceral gout, which is usually fatal.

The drug was banned five years ago, but pharmacies continue to sell it under the counter, a study has revealed.

More than 97 per cent of vultures have disappeared from India's skies in the past 15 years - the fastest decline ever recorded in a bird population anywhere in the world.

Only about 10,000 still exist in the wild, down from tens of millions in the 1980s.

The white-rumped vulture - once the most populous large bird of prey - is under particular threat, having declined by 99.9 per cent.

The cause of their demise is a drug called diclofenac, an anti-inflammatory used by farmers and veterinarians to ease pain in cattle. It is particularly popular in India since for religious reasons, older, dying cattle are often not killed in India. The drug was banned by the governments of India, Pakistan and Nepal in 2006 - but a survey for the journal Oryx found that more than a third of the 250 Indian pharmacies investigated were still selling diclofenac in some form.

Read the rest here...

Why Terrorist Attacks Can Be So Pathetic

© World BulletinI arrive back in Delhi and, sure enough, people are blowing things up again. This time, it was an attack outside the High Court that killed 12 people. Two emails have been sent out claiming the attack for either the Huji-ul-Jihad Islami or the Indian Mujahideen. Both seem pretty shoddy, particularly the second one which appears to have been written by a semi-literate moron with little grasp of English and none of the usual attempts to justify the attack with some cobbled-together gibberish distorted out of religious scriptures. So it was probably neither.

Not that claims of responsibility matter. As we find ourselves engulfed this weekend by the torrent of reminiscences and earnest searches for something original to say about 9/11, it is hard to see the recent spate of terrorist attacks in India as anything other than pathetic and insignificant by comparison. Ten years ago, as an impressionable young student, I remember thinking that day was the beginning of some all-out holy war, in which planes would come crashing from the sky on a near-daily basis, nuclear mushroom clouds would become routine viewing on the evening news, and we would all be travelling to work with gas masks and parachutes in our rucksacks. Instead, we have this pointless crap.

Without wishing to diminish the trauma of the victims from Wednesday’s attack, or apologise for the Indian security forces (I mean, bloody hell, a bomb was planted in the same place only three months ago and they still haven’t installed any CCTV), anyone who has spent any time in an Indian city will know how ridiculously easy it would be to plant a bomb in a public place. Walk to the entrance of any major railway station in India and you will see metal detectors at the entrance with hundreds of people streaming around them, or setting them off as they stroll blithely through while the guard snores away happily on a nearby seat. It is frankly impossible to stop someone planting a bomb in places this chaotic.

So the question is: Why are terrorists so bad at their job? Take for example the bombing in Varanasi in December. One of the busiest religious sites in the world, with practically no security presence whatsoever, and the best they could achieve was the killing of a two-year-old child (plus a 50-year-old woman who died later from her injuries). If my entire raison d’etre was killing people unexpectedly, that would make me seriously reconsider my ability to live up to my raison.

If this all sounds flippant, it should not, because there are important lessons in the uselessness of recent terrorist attacks in India. The last attack to exhibit any kind of imagination, professionalism or strategic intent was that on Mumbai in November 2008. Since then, there have been seven terrorist attacks in India, all of them small in scale.

There are two of the lessons I take from this:

1.     Terrorist groups have to keep launching attacks, even when they have limited capabilities, support or any likelihood of dramatic success. They have to keep the ball in play so that people don’t forget they exist, otherwise their financial (and political) sponsors – as well as their admiring public – will lose faith. One might infer from this that if these groups stopped ranting and raving and blowing things up for a while, people would probably forget what all the fuss was about.

2.     American pressure on Pakistan following the Mumbai attacks may have had more of an effect than it is often given credit for. Let’s face it, everyone knows these recent attacks are emanating from Pakistan and that there is more its military establishment could do to crack down on anti-India militancy if it wanted to. But the lack of major attacks and the reluctance to make (credible) claims of responsibility, point to a genuine concern among the Pakistan establishment that another Mumbai could have serious repercussions. America is only concerned right now because it doesn’t want anything prolonging its exit from Afghanistan. The question is whether it will maintain this pressure on Pakistan after its troops leave the region, or will it pull another 1989 and leave the militants to run amok once its immediate goals have been achieved?

Some of these points are also discussed in my story for today’s National:

The Indian government and its security forces are facing severe criticism for their failure to protect the Delhi High Court after Wednesday's bombing which left 12 people dead, but experts say the attack points to deeper structural failings in the country's intelligence agencies.

The government has yet to confirm whether an email claiming responsibility in the name of Harkat-ul-Jihad Islami, an Islamist insurgent group based in Pakistan and Bangladesh, was genuine. Three people in Jammu and Kashmir, including the owner of an internet cafe, were arrested yesterday in connection with the email. Another email sent later to two media companies claimed the attack was carried out by Indian Mujahideen.

Investigators scrambled yesterday for leads into the latest blast, offering a 500,000 rupee (Dh39,800) reward for clues, even as the prime minister, Manmohan Singh, acknowledged "there are weaknesses in our system".

"Obviously I think there are still unresolved problems, that's why terrorists take advantage of them," Mr Singh said on Wednesday night during a flight home from neighbouring Bangladesh.

The headline in the Times of India reflected a general mood in the Indian media yesterday: "Terrorists strike yet again, at will".

Reports focused on the failure of the Delhi Police and local authorities to install CCTV cameras at the court complex after a bomb, which failed to explode, was planted there on May 25, in what effectively became a dry run for Wednesday's attack.

Beyond the recriminations and the search for suspects, experts see fundamental problems in India's overall security apparatus.

"The criticism of the police misunderstands the nature of the terrorist threat in India," said Ajai Sahni, of the Institute for Conflict Resolution in New Delhi. "There is nothing the urban police force can do unless the networks that plan and implement these attacks are terminated.

"This attack took place outside the court complex in an area where the public can circulate freely. You can put a security perimeter around buildings, but it has to end somewhere, and there will always be this vulnerability.

Read the rest here...